Westminster By-Elections

Results and model signal — 2024–present Parliament

6 by-elections held since July 2024. 2 Labour losses.

By-election forecastFrozen · final estimate

Clacton

Reform defence -- Farage re-contests, majors abstain, record 34-candidate field · Farage all but certain to hold (P 99%) -- poll-conditioned pre-poll freeze: Reform share 68.8% [62.1-75.7], winning margin 56.2pp [44.0-68.3], turnout 31.7% [26.9-36.7]. Turnout is the share lever (posterior-conditional map in the freeze doc).

99%Nigel Farage · Reform UK
<1%Count Binface · Count Binface Party
Probability of winning the seatLikely Reform · 2,500,000 simulations
Declared result · scored against the freeze

Reform hold — Nigel Farage 22,239 votes (63.34% of 35,111 valid votes); Count Binface second on 9,455 (26.93%); turnout 44.37%. Winner call correct (frozen P 99.3%); runner-up identity correct (frozen P 0.90).

Reform share of valid vote68.8% [62.175.7] → 63.34% within interval
Winning margin (Reform − runner-up)56.2pp [4468.3] → 36.41pp outside — low
Turnout31.7% [26.936.7] → 44.37% outside — high
Binface share (diagnostic, not separately scored)12.6% [6.319.2] → 26.93% outside — high

One scored interval of three contained the outcome; turnout landed above its interval, the margin below, and Binface finished 7.7pp above his interval top. Figures from the returning officer's declaration; the formal statement of result (electorate, rejected papers) is pending and the scores will be re-checked against it. Full reveal: the frozen document, verbatim, with verification

Projected vote share · mean & 80% interval
Nigel Farage (Reform)
68.862.175.7declared 63.3
Count Binface (Binface)
12.66.319.2declared 26.9
Laurence Fox (Reclaim)
3.01.07.0declared 1.0
William Clouston (SDP)
2.50.55.5declared 0.7
John Stevens (RejoinEU)
2.00.55.0declared 1.4
Rest of field (29 candidates) (Other)
11.15.518.0declared 6.6
04385%
Reform-runner-up +56.2pp, 80% interval +44.0 to +68.3. A clear lead, comfortably outside the modelled uncertainty.
Primary input: Survation / Mandate Research, 2026-07-16..2026-07-24, N=502Updated: 12 August 2026Status: frozenPre-registration: clacton-2026-0813-v0.2 · frozen 12 August 2026 · snapshot cb3ee7fca30665a6c96ad2976860ba63
By-election forecastFrozen · final estimate

Makerfield

Lab–Reform marginal · Thursday 18 June 2026 — triggered by Josh Simons' resignation to clear Andy Burnham's path back to Westminster. Fourteen candidates; effectively a two-horse race.

85%Burnham · Labour
15%Kenyon · Reform UK
Probability of winning the seatLikely Lab · 200,000 simulations
Projected vote share · mean & 90% interval
Burnham (Lab)
45.941.250.5
Kenyon (Reform)
39.934.944.9
Shepherd (Restore)
7.03.710.8
Austin (LD)
1.20.81.7
Green (Green)
3.22.14.3
Winstanley (Con)
1.40.91.9
Other (Other)
1.00.71.3
03060%
Lab–Reform +5.9pp, 90% interval -3.4 to +15.1. The vote margin sits within polling error — the favourite is not safe.
The pivot · right-wing consolidation

The left is consolidated behind Burnham; the right is split. Whether Reform squeezes Restore’s vote decides the seat.

Restore holds 5–10%86%
Restore surges ≥10%93%
Restore late-squeeze <5%78%
Primary input: Recency-weighted average of 5 polls / Survation ×2, More in Common, Opinium, Convergent, 18 May - 12 Jun 2026Blended with: 5 constituency polls (combined N≈2,605): Survation ×2, More in Common/UCL, Opinium, Convergent/Times · Burnham lead spans +5 (Opinium) to +12 (Convergent); Restore 5–8% across the set · cautious recency-weighted anchor: Lab 45.7 / Ref 39.5 (margin +6.2) — Convergent's +12 treated as a high outlier, not over-weighted · 2024 GE baselineUpdated: 15 June 2026Status: frozen
By-election forecastFrozen · final estimate

Aberdeen South

SNP–Con three-way marginal · Thursday 18 June 2026 — triggered by Stephen Flynn's resignation. A genuine three-way at the top: the SNP starts narrow favourite, but a by-election protest against the SNP government and unionist consolidation behind the Conservatives make this genuinely competitive — the Conservatives are a live threat.

65%SNP · Scottish National Party
35%Conservative · Conservative
Probability of winning the seatTilts SNP · 200,000 simulations
Projected vote share · mean & 90% interval
SNP (SNP)
33.126.939.4
Labour (Lab)
6.00.511.1
Conservative (Con)
30.120.240.7
Reform (Reform)
18.210.825.6
Liberal Democrats (LD)
6.31.111.8
Green (Green)
3.60.28.9
02550%
SNP–Con +3.0pp, 90% interval -10.5 to +15.9. The vote margin sits within polling error — the favourite is not safe.
What could change it

The unionist vote is split between Conservative and Reform. Whether Reform's vote consolidates behind the Conservatives — strongest in the Deeside wards — decides whether the SNP holds.

Conservative More weight on the close Holyrood read · stronger unionist consolidation · oil-salience live48%
Central Blended Holyrood + Westminster reads65%
Aggressive Right stays split (Reform holds) · SNP firm · low consolidation79%
Primary input: Holyrood→Westminster transfer / 7 May 2026 Holyrood result + Scotland-wide Westminster VI, Holyrood 7 May 2026; Norstat 27–29 May 2026Blended with: Holyrood 7 May 2026 (weighted Aberdeen Deeside and North Kincardine 86%, Aberdeen Central 11%, Aberdeenshire West 3%) · GE2024 Westminster baseline (live from election_results) · Scotland-wide Westminster movement since GE2024 (Norstat 27–29 May 2026)Updated: 7 June 2026Status: frozen
By-election forecastFrozen · final estimate

Arbroath and Broughty Ferry

Safe SNP hold; Reform–Labour fight for second · Thursday 18 June 2026 — triggered by Stephen Gethins' resignation. A safe SNP hold on every read; the live questions are the size of the majority and whether Reform or a collapsed Labour finishes second.

99%SNP · Scottish National Party
Probability of winning the seatLikely SNP · 200,000 simulations
Projected vote share · mean & 90% interval
SNP (SNP)
39.934.445.8
Labour (Lab)
14.48.720.1
Conservative (Con)
14.79.320.6
Reform (Reform)
19.913.926.0
Liberal Democrats (LD)
6.32.011.1
Green (Green)
1.90.25.6
02855%
SNP lead over nearest +19.0pp, 90% interval +10.9 to +27.1. A clear lead, comfortably outside the modelled uncertainty.
What could change it

The SNP holds comfortably on every read. The real contest is for second place: Reform (71.8%) versus a collapsed Labour (14.8%).

Conservative Holyrood-weighted · softer SNP · stronger Reform99%
Central Blended Holyrood + Westminster reads99%
Aggressive Firmer SNP · weaker Reform99%
Race for second
Reform UK72%
Labour15%
Conservative13%

Probability of finishing second (the seat itself is not in doubt).

Primary input: Holyrood→Westminster transfer / 7 May 2026 Holyrood result + Scotland-wide Westminster VI, Holyrood 7 May 2026; Norstat 27–29 May 2026Blended with: Holyrood 7 May 2026 (weighted Angus South 60%, Dundee City East 40%) · GE2024 Westminster baseline (live from election_results) · Scotland-wide Westminster movement since GE2024 (Norstat 27–29 May 2026)Updated: 7 June 2026Status: frozen

What the by-elections tell us

Six by-elections have been held since the 2024 general election, and they no longer tell one story. The first two — Runcorn & Helsby (Reform gain from Labour by 6 votes) and Gorton & Denton (Green gain from Labour) — followed abnormal triggers and showed Labour squeezed from both flanks at once. The three contests on 18 June 2026 followed routine vacancies and broke the pattern: Labour held Makerfield comfortably (54.8% to Reform’s 34.5%), the SNP held Arbroath & Broughty Ferry, and the Conservatives — under 8% in every North-West England by-election this parliament — took Aberdeen South from the SNP on 49.5% of the vote. Clacton (13 August 2026) was a contest of a different shape entirely: Nigel Farage resigned and re-contested his own seat against a record 34-candidate field with no major party standing, and held it on 63.3% with Count Binface second on 26.9%.

We froze forecasts for the June contests and for Clacton in advance and scored them against the declared results. In June, two winners were called correctly; Aberdeen South was missed outright — we had the SNP at 65% to hold a seat the Conservatives won by 20.9 points. The June errors share a direction: we understated Conservative support in all three contests and overstated Reform in all three. At Clacton the winner and runner-up calls were both correct and Reform’s share landed inside its frozen 80% interval — but turnout (44.4% vs a 26.9–36.7 interval), the margin (36.4pp vs 44.0–68.3) and Binface’s share (26.9% vs 6.3–19.2) all landed outside theirs: substantially more voters turned out than the freeze allowed for, and the extra votes broke disproportionately for the protest challenger.

Scored forecasts: Makerfield ✓ (Lab 85%) · Arbroath ✓ (SNP 99%) · Aberdeen South ✗ (SNP 65% — Con gain) · Clacton ✓ winner & share, ✗ turnout, margin & Binface intervals

No direct by-election adjustment is applied to the GE forecast — the 0.08-weight swing signal was retired at v2.4. Results now enter the model as out-of-sample tests, frozen in advance and scored in our calibration ledger.

Clacton

13 August 2026 · East of England

Reform UK hold — majority 12,784 (36.4%)

Result
Turnout: 44.4%Votes cast: 35,111
PartyBy-electionVotes
Reform63.3%22,239
Binface26.9%9,455
Other6.6%2,322
Rejoin EU1.4%492
Reclaim1.0%347
SDP0.7%256
Reform
Binface
Other
Rejoin EU
Reclaim
SDP
Context
Trigger: resignation

Nigel Farage resigned the seat on 7 July 2026 (Steward and Bailiff of the Manor of Northstead, 8 July) and re-contested it. Record 34-candidate field; Labour, the Conservatives, the Liberal Democrats and the Greens did not stand.

Reform hold. Farage 22,239 (63.34% of valid); Count Binface 9,455 (26.93%); turnout 44.37% declared. total_votes here = valid votes; electorate and rejected papers await the formal statement of result. Per-party detail in by_election_result_parties (named candidates the frozen forecast tracked, plus the 29-candidate rest of field aggregated). Source: Tendring DC declaration release, 14 Aug 2026. Scored against frozen clacton-2026-0813-v0.2 in calibration_ledger; full scoring record in forecasts/byelections/clacton-2026-0813-settlement.md.

Makerfield

18 June 2026 · North West

Labour hold — majority 9,241 (20.3%)

Result
Turnout: 58.8%
PartyBy-electionVotes
Lab54.8%24,937
Reform34.5%15,696
Restore6.8%3,111
Con2.2%997
Green0.7%308
Lib Dem0.4%163
Lab
Reform
Restore
Con
Green
Lib Dem
Context
Trigger: vacancy

Lab hold. Per-party detail in by_election_result_parties. Source: Makerfield count declaration 2026-06-18.

Aberdeen South

18 June 2026 · Scotland

Conservative gain from SNP — majority 6,050 (20.9%)

Result
Turnout: 37.4%
PartyBy-electionVotes
Con49.5%14,308
SNP28.6%8,258
Reform8.6%2,478
Lab5.4%1,550
Lib Dem4.4%1,270
Green3.4%974
Con
SNP
Reform
Lab
Lib Dem
Green
Context
Trigger: vacancy

Con gain from SNP. Per-party detail in by_election_result_parties. Source: Aberdeen City Council declaration 2026-06-18.

Arbroath and Broughty Ferry

18 June 2026 · Scotland

Scottish National Party hold — majority 5,278 (22.1%)

Result
Turnout: 31.4%
PartyBy-electionVotes
SNP41.1%9,802
Con19.0%4,524
Reform18.2%4,341
Lab15.3%3,651
Lib Dem6.1%1,452
SNP
Con
Reform
Lab
Lib Dem
Context
Trigger: vacancy

SNP hold. Majority 5278 = SNP 9802 minus Con 4524 (council); supplied 5178 rejected as derived from bad Con=4624 (Con-Reform gap of 183 confirms 4524). Source: Angus Council declaration 2026-06-18.

Gorton and Denton

26 February 2026 · North West · metropolitan

Green Party gain from Labour — majority 4,402 (12.0%)

Result
Turnout: 47.5%Electorate: 77,501Votes cast: 36,814
PartyBy-election2024 GESwing
Green40.7%13.2%+27.5pp
Reform28.7%14.0%+14.7pp
Labour25.4%50.8%-25.4pp
Conservative1.9%7.9%-6.0pp
Lib Dem1.8%3.9%-2.1pp
Green
Reform
Labour
Conservative
Lib Dem
Context
Trigger: resignation

Andrew Gwynne (sitting as Independent after Lab suspension for antisemitic WhatsApp messages) resigned on health grounds 22 January 2026

Green Party's first Westminster by-election win and first MP in the North. Labour collapsed -25pp. Three-way tactical voting: Forward Democracy, TacticalVote.co.uk all endorsed Greens to stop Reform. Reform strong second on 28.7% (+14.7pp). Con wiped out (7.9% to 1.9%). Highly abnormal seat: large Muslim community, Manchester urban, student areas -- not representative of Lab marginals. Trigger was Labour-suspended MP, further reducing signal quality. Polanski Green leadership (elected Sep 2025) appears to be driving membership and vote surge. Weight: 0.5.

Model Signal
Signal weight:
0.5

Why discounted: Abnormal trigger (resignation). Result inflated by protest effects specific to the by-election context.

Historical contribution (signal retired at v2.4 — not applied):
Reform
+0.59pp
Lab
-1.02pp
Green
+1.10pp
Con
-0.24pp
LD
-0.08pp

This swing signal was retired in the v2.4 reconciliation — it fed only one of the model’s two calculation paths, creating an artificial gap between them — and contributes nothing to the current GE forecast. Shown for transparency.

Runcorn and Helsby

1 May 2025 · North West · unitary

Reform UK gain from Labour — majority 6 (0.0%)

Result
Turnout: 46.2%Electorate: 70,666Votes cast: 32,655
PartyBy-election2024 GESwing
Reform38.7%18.1%+20.6pp
Labour38.7%53.0%-14.3pp
Conservative7.2%16.0%-8.8pp
Green7.1%6.4%+0.7pp
Lib Dem2.9%5.1%-2.2pp
Reform
Labour
Conservative
Green
Lib Dem
Context
Trigger: misconduct

Mike Amesbury (Lab) convicted of assault, sentenced to 10 weeks prison (suspended), resigned 17 March 2025

Reform's first Westminster by-election win. Six-vote majority. Con collapsed from 16% to 7%, split between Reform and potential Lab tactical voters. Lab vote held better than feared (~53% to 38%). Seat won by scandal effect (Labour MP convicted) + national anti-government swing. Abnormal trigger: weight reduced to 0.6.

Model Signal
Signal weight:
0.6

Why discounted: Abnormal trigger (misconduct). Result inflated by protest effects specific to the by-election context.

Historical contribution (signal retired at v2.4 — not applied):
Reform
+0.99pp
Lab
-0.69pp
Green
+0.03pp
Con
-0.42pp
LD
-0.11pp

This swing signal was retired in the v2.4 reconciliation — it fed only one of the model’s two calculation paths, creating an artificial gap between them — and contributes nothing to the current GE forecast. Shown for transparency.

Historical Context

By-elections are an imperfect signal for general elections. Turnout is lower (31–59% here vs ~60% at GEs), protest voting is stronger, and tactical voting is often explicitly coordinated. An earlier version of the model nudged national vote shares using by-election swings at a 0.08 weight; that signal was retired in the v2.4 reconciliation and no direct adjustment is currently applied. The relationship now runs the other way: each contest gets a forecast frozen before polling day and scored against the declared result. Our calibration work on 2019-parliament by-elections supports this caution — challenger surges do not transfer to general elections; the only component with out-of-sample support is governing-party underperformance.

ClactonMakerfieldAberdeenArbroathGortonRuncornGE average
Turnout44.4%58.8%37.4%31.4%47.5%46.2%~60%
Con vote share2.2%49.5%19.0%1.9%7.2%~17%
Lab-Reform gap+20.3pp-3.2pp-2.9pp-3.3pp0.0pp~-3pp

An earlier version of this note called the Conservative vote share “the starkest illustration of by-election squeeze”. Aberdeen South ended that generalisation: where the Conservatives began as the credible local challenger they polled 49.5%. The squeeze is a function of local competitiveness, not a universal by-election law.